Cameroon: Who is really calling the shots?

A dispute over roadworks in Yaounde in March, ahead of Pope Leo XIV's visit, highlighted tensions between central government and municipal authorities. The disagreement involved Housing and Urban Development Minister Celestine Ketcha Courtes and Yaounde City Mayor Luc Messi Atangana over the rehabilitation of a road along the papal visit route.

Biya, 93, has governed Cameroon since 1982. His prolonged absences from public view have intensified scrutiny on how decisions are made, who has access to him and how much authority is exercised by those around him. His return on August 20 after more than 10 weeks abroad did little to dispel questions about the management of power.

Constitutional framework

Cameroon's constitution gives the president extensive executive authority. He defines national policy, appoints the prime minister and, based on the latter's proposal, other members of government. He is also commander-in-chief of the armed forces.

Under Section 10, the president may delegate some powers to the prime minister or other officials. Where the president is temporarily unable to perform duties, he must expressly delegate functions to the prime minister or another member. An absence abroad does not automatically transfer presidential powers.

Research by OCCRP found Biya spent at least four and a half years abroad on private visits over three decades. The government has not provided a detailed public account of whether a clear delegation of presidential functions is in effect during his prolonged absences.

Key power brokers

Ferdinand Ngoh Ngoh, secretary-general at the presidency, is central to power debates. His responsibilities include receiving presidential instructions and monitoring implementation of decisions. In 2019, Biya granted him a permanent delegation of signature, allowing him to sign certain official documents on the president's behalf.

A delegation of signature is not a transfer of presidential powers. Ngoh Ngoh is not constitutionally the president's successor. Other figures regularly mentioned include First Lady Chantal Biya and the president's son Franck Biya, neither of whom holds a constitutional executive office.

Succession uncertainty

The succession question became more pressing following a constitutional amendment approved on April 14, which reintroduced the office of vice president. The president has authority to appoint and dismiss the vice president, who would assume the presidency if the office became vacant through death, resignation or permanent incapacity.

As of November 10, no vice presidential appointment had been publicly announced. If the presidency became vacant before an appointment, the constitution provides for an interim presidency under the Senate president and a new presidential election within 20-120 days.

Military appointments during Biya's absence have added another dimension. On August 4, Reuters reported three presidential decrees reshuffled senior military leadership, replacing commanders in four of Cameroon's five joint military regions. The changes were partly interpreted through the lens of loyalty and management of potential threats to the presidency.

Broader implications

Cameroon faces a separatist conflict in its English-speaking regions and attacks by armed groups linked to Boko Haram in the Far North. Uncertainty over political authority at the centre could complicate the government's response to these challenges.

Opposition leader Joshua Osih criticised the constitutional amendment during parliamentary debate, arguing it weakened democratic legitimacy and reinforced centralization of power. The government defended the president's authority to make appointments.

Not all observers see an immediate breakdown in state administration. Analyst Paul Anchang argues institutions continue to perform their functions, while the distinction between a functioning state and an accountable centre of political authority remains at the heart of Cameroon's predicament.